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February 25, 2007
http://gowans.blogspot.com/2007/02/whose-rights.html
It is widely believed in the Western world that respect for civil and
political liberties is more highly advanced in the United States and among
countries of the Anglo-American orbit than it is anywhere else. The idea is
so deeply ingrained that even egregious abuses of human rights by the US
government (most recently in connection with the “war on terror”) are
insufficient to discredit the fiction among US citizens that their
government is the world’s principal human rights champion. While the US
government has been criticized by such human rights organizations as Human
Rights Watch and Amnesty International, the criticisms have been made in the
context of concern that the US is squandering its human rights moral
authority – criticism that serves to reinforce the dogma, not challenge it.
Juxtaposed against the view that the United States is the world’s most
highly committed human rights defender is the view that its official enemies
are human rights monstrosities. This was especially true of the Soviet Union
and is true today of Cuba and north Korea –countries seen to define the
opposite pole of the human rights continuum. Indeed, Western wars of
aggression are often cast as human rights missions – campaigns to deliver
civil and political liberties – free speech, freedom of religion and
multi-party democracy – to the supposedly gagged, subjugated and politically
enslaved people of certain Third World countries the US declares to be its
enemies.
But while Western discourse on human rights emphasizes civil and political
liberties, it ignores economic rights altogether – the right to a job, to
participate in enterprise management, to free health care, to free education
at all levels, and freedom from foreign economic domination – rights
developed to a significant degree in the communist countries, and to an
admirable degree in some economically nationalist Third World countries
(Iraq, for example, before human development and social welfare were
undermined by war, sanctions and finally abolished by the US occupation
authority.)
Significantly, economic rights conflict with the profit-making activities of
Western capital. The right to a job conflicts with the right of capital to
hire and fire labor. The right to decent pay conflicts with the right of
owners to minimize wages and salaries to maximize profits. The right to free
health care conflicts with the rights of insurance companies to make a
profit and of doctors to sell their services to the highest bidder. Because
economic rights conflict with profit-making rights, they are not recognized
as legitimate rights in the Western capitalist world. Here, profit is alpha
and omega; all else is subordinate. Instead, civil and political liberties,
which only have substantive meaning to those who have the money power to own
the media, fund think tanks and foundations, pay lobbyists and finance the
campaigns of sympathetic politicians in order to be heard and dominate the
political arena, are elevated to special status. The Soviet Union, east
Germany, Cuba and north Korea, which championed economic rights and pushed
the rights of the many to fore, are given no credit, yet, for most of us, it
is the rights they championed that have substantive meaning. Freedom of the
press means little to those who don’t own one, and much less to those
struggling to get enough to eat.
Rights have a class character. Freedom of expression to persuade others has
little meaning if you haven’t the resources to own and control the mass
media. Freedom to run for elected office has little meaning if you haven’t
the money power to buy high profile advertising, hire pollsters, campaign
strategists and PR firms to persuade voters. Because they often have no
substantive meaning to anyone except the wealthy investors, bankers and
hereditary capitalist families who have the money power to turn them to
their advantage, political and civil liberties have been allowed to flourish
in parts of the Western world that have not been challenged by significant
labor and socialist movements. But when political openness has allowed these
movements to threaten the status quo, civil freedoms and electoral democracy
have been abridged or cancelled altogether (as in fascist Italy and Nazi
Germany; in Chile in 1973; and in countless other countries, usually with
the blessing, if not the assistance, of the US government.)
Despite civil and political liberties being skewed in favour of those who
have economic power, commitment to civil and political liberties is never
absolute. The notion of warranted restraint – that liberties can be abridged
or even denied under certain conditions (freedom of expression does not give
me the right to yell fire in a crowded theatre) – says that formal human
rights are conditional. The conditions are often presented as the need to
strike a balance between liberty and security, but what civil and political
liberties have always been conditional on is the degree of threat they pose
to whatever class dominates the society. Security, it’s true, is relevant –
but whose security?
In the list that follows, you’ll see what appears to be an exposition of the
hypocrisy of Western governments that criticize Third World governments for
human rights breaches, while engaging in the same, or worse, practices at
home or in territories they control. And while the list is indeed an
exposition of the hypocrisy of Western governments, it is important to note
two things. In all of these cases, the human rights breach in question
protects the interests of some ruling class, whether in the West or in the
Third World from a threat posed by an antagonistic class or nation. Or to
put it another way, no right is absolute. Enforcing the rights of a dominant
class or nation means negating the rights of an opposing class or nation.
For example, the freedom of expression rights of Iraqis to persuade others
to join the resistance movement to end the occupation of their country, or
the political freedom of the Ba’ath party to run candidates in elections to
restore the status quo ante, have been denied by the US government to secure
the right of US capital to economically reorganize Iraq. That a ruling class
of any class society, whether feudal, capitalist or socialist, will limit
the civil and political liberties of its enemies, where those liberties
become a threat to the dominant economic class, can be posited as an
inexorable law.
Most Leftists in the Anglo-American world, however, are committed to a
different view, not one that recognizes rights as class-defined and as
relative rather than absolute, but one that is ultimately moralistic and
tied to dogma congenial to the economic elite of Western societies. In this
view, the problem is not the human rights rhetoric of Western governments,
but the failure of those governments to live up to it; the goal of Leftist
forces is not the promotion of the rights of oppressed class and peoples
over (and hence the denial of) those of oppressing classes and nations, but
the expansion of civil and political liberties for all. It is, for this
reason, that the soft Left has often had difficulty identifying with
socialist and national liberation forces which operate in a real world of
right against right, where conflict among classes and nations is inevitable,
and where the elevation of the rights of one class or nation inevitably
means the negation of the rights of another class or nation.
Moralist positions on human rights are not only beside the point; they’re
nonsensical, inasmuch as they assume rights are absolute and that
antagonisms between the rights of oppressor classes and nations and the
classes and nations they oppress can be mediated. In the real world, it is
not possible to build a socialist society if the capitalist class is allowed
the freedom to organize to restore its power. It is not possible for a
government of national liberation to achieve its country’s independence if
it grants political and civil liberties to all, including agents of the
oppressor nation who seek to restore that nation’s formerly privileged
position. It is inconceivable that a revolutionary socialist government
would tolerate a multi-party democracy that allows pro-capitalist parties to
operate openly, just as it is inconceivable that the post-war east or west
German governments would have allowed the Nazi party to run candidates, or
that the revolutionary US government would have allowed pro-British
monarchist parties to stand for election, or that the US occupation
authority in Iraq would have allowed the Ba’ath Party and Saddam Hussein to
contest elections.
The battlefield of human rights isn’t one in which the object of Left forces
should be the securing of absolute rights for all (for there is no such
thing as liberty and democracy for all) but the securing of the rights of
oppressed classes and nations at the expense of those of their enemies. The
right of the sheep to be free from predation comes at the expense of the
wolf’s right to eat the sheep. The question is never whether you’re for
human rights or not. The question is always whose rights are you for?
Public Advocacy Rights
While much is often made of China blocking access to websites, little is
ever said about south Korea’s blocking access to more than 30 pro-DPRK
websites. (1) US ideologues sometimes argue that respect for civil and
political liberties is inextricably linked to capitalism, and conversely,
that socialist regimes are repressive by nature. We might expect China,
then, to be repressive in this way, but not south Korea. The truth of the
matter is that the ruling class of any class society is repressive toward
its class enemies, and only opens space for the exercise of political
freedoms where and when its class enemies are weak and pose little threat.
Capitalism, socialism or the peculiar form of socialism practiced by the
Chinese Communist Party have nothing to do with it. That class societies are
antagonistically divided, does.
Venezuela’s president Hugo Chavez is criticized for refusing to renew the
license of RCTV, a private television station that colluded in the
short-lived April 2002 coup, but the closing of news media by the US or
governments under its control are barely acknowledged. For example, the TV
station Al Zawra was banned in Iraq for broadcasts said to “promote attacks
against the Americans and the Shiite militias.” (2) Iraqi government forces
raided and shut down the station’s offices when a newscaster wore black
mourning clothes following the execution of the country’s legitimate
president, Saddam Hussein. (3) While Chavez is criticized by US ideologues
as being repressive, anti-democratic and dictatorial, he is none of these
things. On the contrary, Chavez can be criticized for not being repressive.
The country’s dominant economic interests have plenty of room to organize
their return to political power. Chavez’s socialism for the 21st century –
nothing more than Western social democracy circa 1965 built on oil wealth –
will almost certainly fail to come off for allowing the opposition (to use a
hockey term) to stick around in the game too long. That’s not to say that
Chavez has a lot of options and that he can make history just as he pleases.
Circumstances limit his room for manoeuvre, but even so, that doesn’t
gainsay the regularity of reformist and social democratic movements being
swept away by resurgent Rightist forces that have been given time to
recuperate their strength. Fascism, it has been said, is punishment meted
out to those who fail to go far enough because they naively believe
capitalism can, in time, be peacefully transformed into socialism from
within while the Right stands by passively and allows it to happen.
Cuba is often taken to task for jailing dissident journalists. However, the
Cuban case rarely gets a hearing. The journalists were arrested for what
they wrote, yes* (though that is often denied), but more importantly for
taking money from the US government to further the project of overthrowing
socialism and restoring US hegemony over Cuba. The job of the US is to
provide funding and support to the journalists to allow them to amplify
their anti-socialist, pro-capitalist views. The job of the dissident
journalists is to persuade others. The job of the Cuban government is to
protect Cuba’s socialism and political independence. While the jailing of
the Cuban journalists is fairly widely known, what is barely known is that
the US jails journalists in Iraq and holds them without charge. The US
arrested at least three Reuters journalists in Iraq and held them without
charge for eight months. (4) The US feared the journalists were materially
aiding the resistance, and therefore were acting to thwart US goals related
to re-organizing Iraq economically to the benefit of US corporations. The
Cuban government feared Cuban journalists, materially aided by a hostile
foreign power, were acting to undermine the socialist economic organization
of Cuba and its political independence. In both cases, the battlefield
pitted right against right.
On June 10, 2003, the US occupation authority in Iraq proclaimed Order #14,
prohibiting “media activity” which “incites violence against Coalition
Forces” or the occupation authority or “advocates the return to power of the
Iraqi Ba’ath party, or makes statements that purport to be on behalf of the
Iraqi Ba’ath party.” In late 2005, an Iraqi court disqualified 90
candidates because they had ties to the Ba’ath Party. (5) The US pushed
sectarian and ethnic-based parties to the fore, part of a project of
re-organizing Iraq along sectarian and ethnic lines (the usual conquering
nation ploy of divide and rule.) US forces routinely close newspapers that
express views that get in the way of pacifying opposition. The offices of
al-Arabiya were shut down as was the al-Hawza newspaper, published by the
Shi’a cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. (6) The US government clearly regards the
Ba’ath party as a threat to its designs on Iraq. Likewise, the Chinese
government regards the Falun Gong movement as a threat to its particular
view of socialism. In both cases, the repression is carried out to limit
opposition to the dominant authority in the country.
A British Muslim who led a crowd in chants of “Bomb, bomb Denmark, bomb,
bomb USA’ in protest over the publication by a Danish newspaper of cartoons
mocking the prophet Muhammad was found guilty of incitement to murder. (7)
Two Canadian newspaper columnists who called upon the United States to
launch a nuclear strike on Iran were neither charged by Canadian authorities
nor found guilty of any crime. Any demand that they be charged with
incitement to murder would be dismissed as frivolous, and an attack on
freedom of speech.
Twenty countries prohibit Holocaust denial, including Germany, Austria,
Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland,
Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Switzerland and Israel. (8) Holocaust denial laws
often appear together with laws prohibiting Nazi or neo-Nazi parties. The
intent is to designate certain political views as being beyond the pale and
inimical to the smooth functioning of a country’s social order. These
prohibitions are regarded, in large measure and even among Leftist forces
that define the aim of socialism as enlarging democracy and civil and
political liberties for all, as being legitimate and as warranted restraints
on rights of free speech and political association. Conversely, laws enacted
in revolutionary societies which ban political parties that call for the
restoration of class oppression or oppression by former colonial or foreign
powers, or prohibit the advocacy of such restoration, are regarded in the
West, including by large parts of the Left, as illegitimate, despotic and
authoritarian. Clearly, they are despotic and authoritarian, in the same
manner Holocaust denial laws are despotic and authoritarian, but they are
not illegitimate from the point of view of the formerly oppressed class or
nation.
In this respect, Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF government comes to mind. ZANU-PF was a
leading force in the armed struggle of the Black majority to wrest political
control from the White minority Rhodesian settler regime. While the Black
majority achieved a kind of formal political independence, de facto
independence has always been limited by the reality that the White minority
remains economically dominant. The land seizures were a way of carrying
forward the revolution to its logical conclusion in the absence of Harare
having the wherewithal to buy out the White settlers and absentee British
landowners. While the confiscation of land was, on the one hand, a denial of
the previous owners’ rights to make a profit, it was, on the other, a
reclamation of a right to land that had been stolen by colonial plunder -- a
war of right against right (with the soft Left in the West, sadly, though
predictably, aligning itself in the war with the landowners.) Zimbabwe is
not, however, a one-party state, and nor is it a country in which those with
money power are prohibited from buying mass media or funding opposition
political parties to oppose the government. For this, Zimbabwe too, along
with Venezuela, can be criticized for failing to be repressive enough, and
yet it is revolutionary and national liberation movements that fail to
repress their enemies with sufficient zeal and that allow ample opportunity
for their enemies to marshal a counter-strike, that are often the most
vigorously reviled by the soft Left (and perhaps because part of the
counterstrike is PR campaigns mounted in the West to discredit the regime in
question – campaigns the soft Left has always shown a particular
vulnerability to.) Whatever repressive measures ZANU-PF takes toward its
opposition must be understood in the context of the history of the struggle
for national liberation and of the alliance of the main opposition party,
the MDC, with Britain and the White settlers.
Police States
The Soviet Union, east Germany, Cuba and north Korea are often thought of in
the West as police states. To deny the reality that the USSR and east
Germany were, and that Cuba and north Korea are, police states would be
disingenuous. But at the same time, to deny the reality that the US,
Britain, Canada, Australia and other Western countries are also police
states would be equally disingenuous. It is only the power of
anti-communist propaganda that allows the socialist east German Stasi to be
invested with a unique menace while any recognition that an equally
repressive police state apparatus existed in capitalist west Germany is
entirely suppressed.
• “Under a presidential order signed in 2002, the (US National Security
Agency) monitored the international telephone calls and international e-mail
messages of hundreds, perhaps thousands of people inside the United States
without warrants.” (9) The New York Times held back this story for a year,
after Washington asked that it not disclose the violation of its own laws to
spy on its citizens.
• Canada’s RCMP and intelligence services amassed files on 800,000 Canadians
(Canada’s population is only 30 million) and secretly monitored thousands of
organizations, including church and women’s groups. For over three decades,
the Mounties spied on Tommy Douglas, esteemed by Canadians for his role in
creating public health insurance, even when Douglas was leader of the social
democratic New Democratic Party and a Member of Parliament. (10)
• In Mexico, more than 700 people were assassinated by the state and many
tortured, from the late 60s through the early 80s, as part of a secret
campaign to eliminate militant leftists. Successive governments used
“massacres, forced disappearances, systematic torture and genocide, in an
attempt to destroy the part of society it considered its ideological enemy.”
(11)
These examples, drawn from recent newspaper reports, only scratch the
surface. You could write tomes and tomes on US police state activities
(COINTELPRO being one of the more infamous programs to neutralize class
enemies), and many have been written. But it’s not the reality that the US
government conspicuously parades around the world as human rights champion,
when it’s just as repressive, when circumstance demand, as any other state,
that is important. Nor should the failure of Western governments to live up
to their human rights rhetoric hold our attention. Human rights rhetoric is
based on the idea that rights are absolute, not relative, and that different
groups of people don’t have antagonist interests, based on their economic
positions and role as either exploiter or exploited. And we certainly
shouldn’t expect that states can be pressured to live up to their rhetoric,
anymore than we should expect that lions can be pressured to give up meat
for grazing on grass. Have they ever? All states are police states, and
always will be, so long as antagonist classes exist. The antagonism is
played out on many battlefields, human rights among them. In battles over
human rights, we shouldn’t ask whether rights, as an absolute, are being
denied, for rights are never absolute. We should ask whose rights are in
conflict with who else’s, which rights are our own, and whether sheep can be
faulted for denying wolves their flesh.
1. Reuters, January 27, 2007.
2. New York Times, January 21, 2007.
3. New York Times, January 2, 2007.
4. New York Times, January 23, 2006.
5. New York Times, December 25, 2005.
6. Antonia Juhasz, “The Bush Agenda: Invading the World One Economy at a
Time,” Regan Books, 2006, p. 205.
7. Los Angeles Times, January 6, 2007.
8. William Blum, Anti-Empire Report, November 19, 2006; New York Times,
December 21, 2006.
9. New York Times, December 16, 2005.
10. Globe and Mail, December 18, 2006.
11. New York Times, November 23, 2007.
* Had they written in favour of Cuban socialism, they would never have been
arrested, even if they were taking money from Washington. To say what they
wrote had nothing to do with their jailing, then, is absurd, and has more to
do with pandering to liberal prejudices than anything else.
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